How do Okinawans view their Japanese identity?
Okinawans do not believe that they are not Japanese; in fact, some Okinawans consider themselves to be more "authentic" than mainland Japanese.
This sentiment is similar to the mutual disdain sometimes seen between people from the northern and southern regions of a country.
Due to the higher proportion of indigenous ancestry, some Okinawans feel they are closer to the "Yamato" lineage and therefore view themselves as more noble.
Although a very small number of people might pretend to support independence to gain financial support, it is extremely rare for anyone to genuinely propose that Okinawa should belong to China or other such claims.
This view is even less common than the support for Okinawa becoming part of the United States.
After World War II, when the United States occupied Okinawa, Okinawans loudly demanded to return to Japan, and China also supported Japan's request to have Okinawa returned from the U.S.
The genetic sequences of Okinawans are more distant from China compared to those on the Japanese mainland.
Despite some claims of a kinship relationship between Okinawa and China, such ideas are unrealistic when considering genetics and average height (168 cm).
For example, Takeshi Kaneshiro, who has half Chinese heritage, still uses a Japanese surname, lives in Japan, and married a Japanese person.
These examples show that Okinawans generally identify as Japanese.
In recent years, some social media outlets have been creating the illusion that Okinawans do not recognize their Japanese identity, misleading the public into thinking that Okinawans are awakening to a different identity.
In reality, the majority of Okinawans identify as Japanese, with only a very small percentage (about 3%-4%) supporting independence.
In democratic countries, it is normal for political parties to have different opinions on economic policies, social ideas, foreign relations, and welfare policies.
For example, Osaka often opposes the Liberal Democratic Party, but that does not mean Osaka wants independence.
Similarly, Okinawans recognize their Japanese national identity, and the main issue they discuss is the disturbance caused by the U.S. military presence in Okinawa, not opposition to the military presence itself.
Ryukyu had a long history of independence.
In 1609, the Shimazu clan invaded the Ryukyu Kingdom, gradually bringing it under control.
In 1879, Japan formally annexed Ryukyu, which has been just over a century. Before that, Ryukyu had been independent for several centuries.
Some Japanese do not fully regard Ryukyuans as Japanese.
During World War II, the Japanese military forced Ryukyuans to fight against the U.S. military, leading to significant casualties among Ryukyuans.
Some people harbor reservations about Okinawans, considering non-Yamato people in Japan not to be purely Japanese, a superiority complex present in some individuals.
There are also some Okinawans who do not consider themselves Japanese, and the Ryukyu independence movement has persisted since World War II.
Although the Ryukyuan language is classified as a dialect in Japan, it is actually a distinct language that incorporates elements of Japanese and Austronesian languages, along with many Chinese loanwords.
The Japanese government has not treated Okinawa well;
incidents of U.S. military personnel raping local women occur every few years, but due to the extraterritorial rights of the U.S. military, these cases often go unresolved. Although Japan is wealthier than China, it is constrained by the U.S. in military and diplomatic matters, and its economic policies are not entirely autonomous, giving it a semi-colonial nature.
The U.S. military bases in Ryukyu are a burden on the local population, leading to continuous protests.
The presence of the U.S. in Japan is borne at least half by the Ryukyuans.
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