After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Mongolia broke free from Soviet control and began the process of transitioning to Western democracy.
Due to its geographical constraints, Mongolia had to prioritize its relationships with its northern and southern neighbors. Hence, friendly policies toward China and Russia became a priority in Mongolia's foreign relations.
However, Mongolia was not content with being perpetually under the "protection" of its neighbors. It also desired to independently and freely engage with countries worldwide.
In this context, Mongolia proposed a diplomatic strategy of "non-alignment, equidistance, all-around, and multi-point," which is known as the "Third Neighbor" policy.
Initially, when the "Third Neighbor" strategy was proposed, Mongolia considered the United States as the third neighbor outside China and Russia.
Later, this strategy evolved to refer to all major powers outside the region that could assist Mongolia, rather than a single country.
Among all the countries Mongolia regarded as "third neighbors," the United States has always been the most crucial one.
Additionally, neighboring countries like Japan and South Korea, as well as more developed nations such as Germany and France, were included, but their relationships with Mongolia were not as close as that between Mongolia and the United States.
Even Mongolia's relationships with China and Russia were not as close as its relationship with the United States.
As early as 1987, on the eve of the Soviet Union's collapse, the United States had already set its sights on Mongolia and established formal diplomatic relations with it.
After the Soviet Union's collapse, with Russia preoccupied with its own issues, Mongolia began to follow Eastern European countries in democratizing, embarking on a path of Westernization.
During this process, the United States seized the opportunity to establish contact with Mongolia and provided substantial support.
The U.S.'s intention was clear: it hoped to turn Mongolia into a "Western model" in Asia, filling the vacuum left by the Soviet collapse and fostering pro-American forces in Russia's backyard.
To achieve this goal, over the decades, the United States expended significant material, financial, and human resources to provide comprehensive assistance and penetration into Mongolia, encompassing political, economic, cultural, and military areas.
Firstly, on the political level, after establishing diplomatic relations with Mongolia, U.S.-Mongolia relations quickly warmed.
In 2005, George W. Bush became the first sitting U.S. president to visit Mongolia.
In 2019, Mongolian President Khaltmaagiin Battulga visited the United States and met with President Donald Trump, where both sides agreed to elevate U.S.-Mongolia bilateral relations to a strategic partnership.
Since then, the United States became Mongolia's fifth strategic partner after Russia, Japan, China, and India. Countries like France, Germany, Australia, and Turkey, which had established relations with Mongolia earlier, did not receive this strategic partner status.
Simultaneously, Mongolia became the 17th strategic partner of the United States.
It is notable that, despite the U.S. having dozens of allies in the international community, Mongolia ranked among the forefront as a strategic partner, which is indeed surprising.
The U.S. has repeatedly emphasized that strengthening and nurturing Mongolia's "democratic system" is crucial for the successful implementation of the "Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy."
The U.S. Department of Defense's "Indo-Pacific Strategy Report" mentioned Mongolia 17 times and classified it as one of the "enhanced partnership relations," second only to allies, highlighting the closeness of U.S.-Mongolia political relations.
Secondly, on the cultural level, the U.S. has provided special funds to support the construction of schools in Mongolia, dispatched educational volunteers, and offered educational funds for Mongolian scholars and students to exchange in the United States.
Through these means, the U.S. maximized the exposure of more Mongolians to American-style education.
For instance, over the past 30 years, the U.S. has sent nearly 1,500 educational volunteers to Mongolia, focusing on English language training and medical education projects.
Additionally, around 120 Mongolians are invited annually to the United States for educational and cultural exchange programs.
Currently, about one-third of the members of Mongolia's State Great Khural (parliament) have studied in the United States, laying a pro-American foundation within Mongolia.
Thirdly, on the economic level, the U.S. has used non-governmental organizations such as the Asia Foundation, International Republican Institute, Soros Foundation, Peace Corps, and American Cultural Information Center to provide financial assistance in Mongolia to promote Western democratic values and facilitate project implementation.
A typical example is the "Millennium Challenge Corporation" (MCC) projects implemented by the U.S. in Mongolia, covering sectors such as minerals, transportation, energy, education, and health.
For instance, addressing Mongolia's heavy reliance on fossil fuels and environmental pollution issues, the U.S. has helped Mongolia develop renewable energy projects.
Recognizing Mongolia's mineral and textile industries as important pillars, the U.S. expanded imports of these products to reduce Mongolia's dependency on China, fostering economic dependence on the United States instead.
In this sense, the so-called educational and economic aid provided by the U.S. to Mongolia is essentially a means of value infiltration.
Lastly, on the military level, shortly after establishing diplomatic relations, the U.S. and Mongolia began military exchanges.
In June 1996, the U.S. and Mongolia signed the "Agreement on Military Department Exchange and Mutual Visits," allowing both sides to send troops to each other's countries for peacekeeping exchanges, with provisions for temporary U.S. military presence in Mongolia if necessary.
In August of the same year, the U.S. and Mongolia signed the "Security Cooperation Agreement," stipulating that if the security of either party is threatened by war or natural disasters, the other party is obligated to provide assistance or humanitarian aid.
These agreements can be seen as the inception of U.S.-Mongolia military cooperation.
To this end, the U.S. has invested heavily to help Mongolia establish an international peacekeeping training center, provide English education and military training opportunities for Mongolian troops, and cultivate a group of influential military leaders.
However, in the early stages, U.S.-Mongolia military cooperation focused primarily on peacekeeping and disaster relief, with limited practical combat experience.
It wasn't until 2003, under the pretext of anti-terrorism, that the U.S. and Mongolia conducted a bilateral military exercise code-named "Khaan Quest," marking the largest joint exercise between the two countries and a significant shift from previous civil defense and rescue-oriented "Baker/Bliss" exercises to actual live-fire drills, indicating that U.S.-Mongolia military cooperation had entered deeper waters.
Under U.S. arrangements, Mongolia has also participated in a series of NATO-led operations, including sending troops to Afghanistan, Iraq, and Kosovo for counter-terrorism efforts, and established a global partnership with NATO.
Mongolia also accepted NATO's assistance in establishing a Cyber Incident Response Capability Center for the Ministry of Defense and the General Staff of the Armed Forces, allowing the U.S. to set up radar control and electronic monitoring stations within Mongolia.
The current U.S.-Mongolia relationship has become a de facto quasi-alliance.
The U.S. spares no effort to woo Mongolia in all aspects precisely because it values Mongolia's special strategic position between China and Russia.
Through a quasi-alliance with Mongolia, NATO led by the U.S. has planted a foothold in the Eurasian continent's military expansion to achieve a balance against China and Russia.
Therefore, in the face of U.S. wooing, it is crucial for Mongolia to remain clear-headed and avoid being swayed by temptation.
If Mongolia leans toward the U.S., it could cause severe harm to its national interests.
Commentaires